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Grain, Hunger, and Geopolitics: How Food Became a Tool of International Pressure

 

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I.       When Bread Becomes a Bargaining Chip: The Weaponisation of Food in Global Politics

 

In the world today, where all religions are connected, food no longer serves as a simple need, but it has become a weapon of political influence. The continuous wars, sanctions, and trade limitations have shown how the availability of grain, fertilisers, and other agricultural products can be used to politically and economically pressurise countries. The Russia-Ukraine conflict, specifically, has revealed how vulnerable food supply chains around the globe are and the vulnerability of countries that rely on imports to survive. As the traditional instruments of human development and prosperity, food and fertilisers are increasingly becoming bargaining chips, which leads to ethical, legal, and humanitarian dilemmas. In addition to short-term shortages, food supply manipulations also have long-term effects, such as malnutrition, agricultural sector livelihood loss, and destabilisation of weak economies. This blog examines how food has become a weapon in global geopolitics, the legal and policy structures around it, the difficulties in enforcing them, and how food may never again be used as an instrument of power.

 

II.     From Fields to Frontlines: A Brief History of Food as a Weapon

 

The weaponisation of food is not a new practice. History knows no shortage of instances where access to food has been used by rulers for political or military benefit. During the Cold War, the United States imposed a grain embargo on the Soviet Union in 1980, in the hope of not only destroying its economy but also manipulating the politics of the world. On the same note, during the 1990s, when Iraq was in the Gulf War and the country was sanctioned, and the sanction was imposed on the citizens, this caused a lot of humanitarian issues. Before that, in wartime, famines were sometimes created or even exacerbated artificially to dishearten the opponent or to control the population. During the colonial era, European powers dominated the supply of food in the colonies and restricted the availability of foods that nourished the locals. Though these measures were supposedly the working instruments of politics, their influence on the most susceptible strata of the population was too out of proportion, and this led to mass killings. Today, countries are more connected than ever before, thanks to the interconnectivity of global supply chains, and the impact of food weaponization is global. Contemporary trade is so international that once a disaster has hit one region of the globe, it will spread its impact to other regions of the world, thus increasing humanitarian catastrophes.

 

III.  The Black Sea Standoff and Beyond: Blockades, Fertilisers, and the Battle for the World’s Breadbasket

 

The conflict between Russia and Ukraine has highlighted the weaponisation of food. Ukraine is a large producer of wheat, barley, and other grains that are exported to millions of people in Europe, Africa, and Asia, earning it the nickname "breadbasket of Europe". A programme called the Black Sea Grain Corridor was established in 2022, enabling Ukraine to export its goods in spite of the conflict. However, due to Russia's withdrawal from the agreement, supplies were stopped, and global wheat prices skyrocketed, putting food security in areas already at risk. Meanwhile, the export of fertilisers, especially Russian fertilisers and Belarusian fertilisers, was under export sanctions by the West. Fertilisers play a major role in the agricultural output, and the disruption of their supply chain impacted the crop production of countries that are miles away from the war zone. These processes reveal how the production and distribution components of the food system can become weaponized. In addition, this scenario highlights how global agriculture is interdependent; dependent nations have very few options when politicization of supply chains occurs. Increasing food prices can also contribute to social upheaval and financial instability, and the effects of weaponized food are far greater than the impact of food scarcity.

 

IV.   Starvation by Law? The Fragile Legal Framework Behind Food Weaponisation

 

There are mechanisms of international law to govern trade and defend civilians, but these mechanisms are not always enough when food is exchanged as a bargaining point. Countries can place export limitations under unusual conditions of war, shortage, etc., in the World Trade Organisation (WTO), although the rules do not prohibit state actions to take the politically expedient step of blocking exports. The Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) forbid all forms of starvation of civilians as a tactic of war. However, this is challenging to implement, as the law occasionally does nothing to stop indirect sources of scarcity, such as attacks on fertiliser supply chains or secondary sanctions. This gap has created a situation where governments can uphold the letter of international law at the expense of its spirit, and hunger can be used as a weapon against those who break the law without any significant legal action being taken. Practically, this weakness consists in the fact that, so long as the law exists, it can protect only after the event has occurred, and can seldom do so in a preventive manner. Moreover, the fact that an international organisation with the mandate and capacity to oversee and interfere in eventualities of strategic food manipulation does not exist only worsens the situation and leaves vulnerable groups vulnerable as long as the political game goes on.

 

V.     Hunger Games: The Global South in the Crossfire of Weaponized Food Trade

 

Developing countries have the highest stakes in the impact of weaponized food trade as they are the ones that significantly depend on imports of staple grains and fertilisers. An example is the African countries, which suffered an acute lack of wheat after the derailment of exports to Black Sea, which triggered a doubling of prices and intensification of the level of food insecurity. More recent examples of how global geopolitics can drive up local vulnerability can be seen in countries such as Yemen and Sudan, where the current conflict situations, along with increasing food prices, have led to humanitarian crises. Meanwhile, other countries are trying to survive by developing new supply chains. India, Brazil, and Turkey have become important suppliers to replace disrupted Russian and Ukrainian exports. This is an opportunity for diversification, but it reveals global disparities because nations that have greater resources can more easily find an alternative source, and nations that have fewer resources will need to rely on changes in supply chains. Besides this, alternative supplier dependence is not always a long-term solution to the issue; production capacity, climatic susceptibility, and other supply chain issues could pose a threat to food security.

 

VI.   When Law Meets Power: The Challenges of De-Weaponising Global Food Trade

 

Awareness of the problem notwithstanding, it is challenging to de-weaponise the food trade. International conventions are difficult to enforce, and humanitarian considerations are typically subordinated to political interests. As an example, wealthy nations can strategically use sanctions to achieve their goals without taking responsibility, while political stagnation makes it difficult for multilateral bodies like the UN or WTO to take legally binding action. The other issue is the problem of the balance between national security and world commitments: nations can claim that they should reduce exports to take care of the population at home, although it can lead to shortages in other countries. In addition, the lack of coordination of the global actors, inadequate monitoring, and lack of clear legal mandate among the participants only make the process of preventing the use of food as a weapon even more difficult. This is complicated by the emergence of non-state actors and corporate associates who dominate important agricultural trade areas, thus complicating enforcement. These difficulties indicate that the problem needs more than law to work through, but also political goodwill, collaboration, and new ways of governing the situation, such as early-warning mechanisms and across-tiers coordination in the event of the situation getting out of control.

 

VII. De-Weaponising Bread: Legal and Policy Pathways for a Fairer Future

 

This however does not imply that there are no chances of undoing food weaponisation despite the challenges. To restrict exportation bans during times of conflict, particularly, the exportation of basic commodities like grains and fertilisers, the first choice would be to tighten WTO regulations. This may include coming up with a redlist of key agricultural products where export ban may only be effected under closely controlled emergent circumstances and breaching this would impose penalties or other forms of compensation on the affected countries. The second option is to create legal carve-outs in sanctions regimes such that there is provision of humanitarian food and agricultural supplies to the people at risk. These carve-outs ought to be automatic and binding, as opposed to relying on informal and a priori political discursively negotiated deals. As an illustration, the sanctions might be made in such a way that there are humanitarian corridors ensured by neutral third-party organisations like Red Cross, FAO or WFP so that the food and fertilisers do not get stuck. The other step that is significant is to enhance international monitoring systems. The UN can have a permanent Global Food Security Watchdog to monitor disruptions, impose food corridors and give early warning when supply chains are being politicised. This organ can collaborate with regional blocs like African Union, ASEAN or MERCOSUR to offer quick action and regional solutions in times of crisis. The countries themselves can also create regional blocs and South-South coalitions in order to decentralise the supply chains to avoid relying on politically sensitive exporters. An illustration is the pools of African grains, Asian fertilisers or Latin American seed banks which would help to establish buffers in case of unexpected shocks. Together with this, the investment in the local agricultural resilience such as subsidizing small farmers, climate-smart agriculture, improved storage, and logistics would allow nations to become less vulnerable to the outside manipulation. Lastly, there are those legal observers who have proposed that access to food be designated as a jus cogens norm a peremptory principle of the international law that may not be derogated. When weaponised food is recognised on this level, it would not only be politically repudiated but also the subject of a legal conviction equal to that of genocide or torture, making it subject to universal jurisdiction and more accountable. A combination of these legal, institutional, and practical actions will give a more comprehensive guide on how to ensure that no actor or state can use hunger as a political bargaining chip.

 

VIII.     Bread or Bullets? Rethinking International Law in the Age of Weaponized Food.

 

The contemporary world is in a paradoxical situation, as even with unprecedented agricultural output, millions of people are still at risk of starvation due to the food industry becoming politicized. The Russian-Ukrainian crisis, the fertilizer sanctions, and the frequent trade disruptions all demonstrate the instability of the existing system and the ineffectiveness of international law in the face of intentional manipulation. What comes out very clearly is that legal structures are not sufficient. Hunger can only be used as a bargaining chip without political intentions, international cooperation, and investments in local resilience. The developing countries, particularly in Africa and Asia, still have to experience the impact of skyrocketing prices and shortages of supply; that is, food insecurity is not a scarcity issue but rather an access and distribution one. Multi-layered response to the concept of de-weaponising food trade will involve, therefore, a stronger legal protection, enforceable humanitarian carve-outs, proactive international monitoring, self-reliance at the regional level, and investment in local production capacity. Fundamentally, it also requires an appreciation of the fact that food is not just a commodity but a human right. When the world does not take action, there may not be any reason to fight over territory or ideology, but bread itself. However, when governments and institutions make fairer policies and ethics to govern, bread will get back to its rightful position, not as a part of a bargain, but as a symbol of life, dignity, and human survival.

 

 
 
 

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International Relations & Foreign Policy Committee 2025

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